Saturday 2 November 2013

EXPLOSIVE: What Obasanjo Told Me About Third Term — Atiku

Atiku Abubakar can conveniently be regarded as the proverbial cat with nine lives because the story of his life offers a lot of lessons; starting from a humble background to becoming the Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Atiku was the only child of his parents; he neither had a brother nor sister. His father died when he was still in primary school, after he was imprisoned for not allowing his son to go back to school after he visited them. Atiku began feeding his mother since he was a primary school pupil out of his proceeds from cattle rearing. That was how he started his life. He joined the Customs service, was made the Turaki of Adamawa, and was also elected the Governor of Adamawa state.
He could not however assume the mantle of leadership as governor because he was eventually chosen to be the running mate to Olusegun Obasanjo in the 1999 election. He later had a serious political fight with Obasanjo, ran for the office of the president twice and is also a prolific businessman.
In this interview held in his Abuja home with a team of journalists from RARIYA, a Hausa newspaper based in Abuja, Turaki, as he is fondly called, revealed a lot about himself, including his widely publicised ‘feud’ with Obasanjo and the situation of things in the ‘new PDP’. 
Excerpts of the interview was translated by PREMIUM TIMES‘ Sani Tukur, with permission from RARIYA.
Q. Can you give us a brief history of your life?
 A. Let me first begin by welcoming you all. And secondly, since this is the first time we are sitting together, let me use this opportunity to commend you for setting upRARIYA Hausa newspaper which will enable a lot of our people especially in the north to know what is going on in the land and our relationships with the outside world. We commend you very well, and pray that God grant you success. I know about media business very well, it is not a business in which you even make even, not to talk of making profits. So, only God can reward those of you that have decided to put in your time and resources in this venture. May God reward you abundantly.
My history is well known by most people, but briefly speaking; I am from Adamawa state. I was born in Jada about sixty-six years ago. I started my primary education in Jada before I proceeded to Yola Province College. From there, I went to the School for Hygiene Kano and then finally to the Ahmadu Bello university Zaria, where I studied law. I then joined the Customs in 1969.
I held several positions in the Customs. In fact, at a point I was the youngest Customs Comptroller for the Southwest including Ibadan and Kwara. I gained lot of promotions within a short space of time until I attained the highest rank. I left the customs service on 20th April, 1989. From there I ventured into business where I later on met with General Shehu Musa Yar’adua, and we went into politics and set up a political organisation known as the PFM with a view to getting registration as a political party.
But as you all know, no political party or organisation was registered at the time. Instead, two parties; namely; SDP and NRC were registered. Those of us with General Yar’Adua joined the SDP. We struggled very well in the party where I had wanted to become the governor of Gongola state then. I won the election, but the government of Babangida cancelled the elections. Nine of us were eventually banned from participating in the subsequent election.
We did not stop politicking up till the time Babangida left power. Our first major political battle with the late Gen. Yar’adua was fighting the military to leave power and restore democracy to Nigeria. That was the reason we were in politics. We did not get into politics to get into positions of power.
Honestly, we really suffered in the course of the struggles. Late Yar’Adua once called us together and informed us that ‘what you people are doing is not a minor thing; it may take us up to ten, thirty or forty years without success. So any of us that was in hurry was advised to stay aside. Incidentally, we succeeded in sending the military away, but God did not allow him to see democracy take root in the land.
After that came the government of General Abacha. He invited our organisation to join his government, I remember we met with them at Ikoyi in Lagos at the time; we told them we would only join the government if they showed us the plans put in place to return the country to democratic rule. They did not like it.
Q. Was General Shehu Yar’Adua alive then?
A. Yes, he was alive. That was why no one from our organisation joined the government. He subsequently said there would be a constitutional conference for Nigeria. We also met over that and debated whether to join or stay away. We eventually resolved to participate, because we can use that to force him out of power. About 70% of members of the conference which held here in Abuja, were our people.
The conference thereafter gave Abacha up to January 1st 1996, to leave office. He was so angry with that decision and that was the reason why Yar’adua was arrested and jailed. As for me, they followed me to my house in Kaduna and tried to kill me, but they were unsuccessful. They however killed eight people, six of them policemen, while the other two were security guards. I eventually escaped to the USA.
I don’t know what happened afterwards, and Abacha suddenly asked me to come back to Nigeria. He was planning to run for election at the time. But I asked him to give me the guarantee that I would not be killed or arrested. When I returned, I went to see him and he asked me to work for him because he said he understood I had acceptance in both the North and Southern part of the country. He therefore wanted me to help him campaign to win election.
I told him that I needed to go back to my state and consult with my people. He then asked me what I wanted; minister or governor; but I insisted that I needed to go and consult with my supporters. He told me that he had already discussed with my father-in-law, the Lamido Adamawa, and the Lamido really wanted me to go back and be the governor.  But, I told him that there was no way for me to go and become the governor because primaries had already been held and they have even started campaigning.
They told me not to worry about that; all they needed was for me to go back to my state. Upon my return, I saw that all the party’s executive were sacked, that’s for UNCP, the governorship candidate was also sacked, and an interim chairman of the party was already appointed. I met him at the airport waiting for me, and I told him ‘Yes I am the candidate’. I then immediately went into consultations; my supporters said ‘this government attempted to kill you in the past, and it is the same government that is now inviting you to run for office, we your supporters have agreed’. As God would have it, Abacha died the very day we started our campaigns. Abdulsalami became the head of state and when he announced the time table for return to democratic rule; we set up the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP. I was one of the few people from my state who set up the party.
I again ran for governor and won the primaries, and then the general election followed. Later on, General Obasanjo asked me to come and run with his as his running mate. That was how I became the Vice president and worked with Obasanjo up to the time God said we should go our separate ways.
After that, sometime in the past, I was forcefully kicked out of the PDP, and we went to set up the AC. After that, I went back to the PDP, before we are now engaged in fresh controversy of the new and old PDP
Q. What is going on now?Atiku Abubakar
A. You know the PDP is not being run on its initial philosophy. There is no internal democracy in the party at the moment. Secondly, since the time of Obasanjo, the party has been used dictatorially; no rules, no truth, no righteousness. What we have now is just selfishness. That is the situation we are in now.
Q. Many people view you as someone born with a silver spoon, or did you also face challenges growing up in the village?
A. The truth is, I was an only child. I had no sibling. My father died even before I completed primary school, and I was raised by my mother; and you know women were not engaged in any serious commercial venture at the time. I was therefore responsible for fending for her, at a very young age..
Q. How old were you?
A. I was around 9 or 10 years then. We had a very wealthy neighbour. At times, I take his cattle for grazing when I return from school. He then used to pay me with either wheat or something and that was what I would take to my mother and grand mother for them to cook for us. We sometimes eat twice or once a day. This started even before I enrolled into school. At the time, they used to go round and pick children and enroll them by force. When they came for me, my father took me and ran away with me up to Cameroun republic. They hid me in a particular village, but we also met the same situation there; children were being forced to school by the government.
So he took me back to my grandmother. I was concealed behind a door the day the people came back for me, but my mother’s younger brother brought me out, and took me to the residence of the village head where I was registered. That was how I got enrolled into formal education. After I started schooling and I was even in class three, I decided to visit my father and see how he was doing. However, immediately I arrived, he told me that I was not going back because he never wanted me to enroll. He said he preferred that I commence Quoranic school and there was cattle rearing and farming to do.
Our headmaster in Jada then reported my father to the Judge. A police guard was then given a summons for my father. They used to come along with a particular stick, which was serving as the writ of summons at the time. He took it to the ward head that also promptly summoned my father. My father was informed that we were being arrested. The guard took us to Jada; we were taken to the court, and the judge told my father you have broken the law by refusing to allow your son go back to school. He therefore sentenced him to either go to prison or pay a fine of ten shillings. My father said he had no ten shillings, and he was taken to prison. My grandmother eventually hustled and got the ten shillings and paid the fine. My father was eventually released and he went back to the village. Unfortunately, I did not get to see him again until I received the sad news of his death.
That was how I continued with my studies and completed primary school. At the time, there was only one examination, that’s common entrance exams that was written; those who came first, second or third are taken to either Zaria or Keffi colleges. The rest up to 10th position went to Provincial College. The others are then taken to various vocational schools. After graduating, they were then given a start up capital. Honestly, I prefer this method of education, not what we have now.
Q. You have set up a form of reunion with your children, why did you adopt this measure?
A. Honestly, there were many reasons why I started the reunion. It is not popular in this part of the world. God has blessed me with wealth and many children; more than twenty, including those I adopted. And as you know, as Islam permits, I have more than one wife, so my children have different mothers. So the essence of the reunion is to entrench unity in the family. Secondly, it affords them to know and understand each other, and thirdly to pity each other. Fourthly not to tarnish the image of the descendants of the family, and fifthly, I am engaged in a lot of commercial activities. So I take the time to explain the details of my business engagements to them.
And I always advised them not to look at what I have, but each of them should go and fend for himself. I also advise them to pay attention to their studies.
I have companies in countries such as Turkey and many others, so I don’t want these companies to fold up after I am dead. I wanted these companies to continue to exist, until their children also take over from them. I also tell them to know that most global companies were started by one person, but those who came after them such as their wives and children did not allow them to die. That is why things are still developing.
In fact, I even brought in a professor from Europe who specialised in family matters to come in and deliver lecture for us.
I also let them know that I am a Muslim, so after my death, they will have to share inheritance based on Islamic injunction. However, I advised them that everyone must allow whatever they are given in a company to continue to exist. They should just get whatever is due to them at the end of each year. I don’t want what I build to be destroyed. That is the reason for our meeting, and it is very important. Now we have a family assembly and rules and regulations for my whole family. We set up the Assembly by picking one male and one female from each ‘room’.
Q. In spite of the fact that the Lamido Adamawa was just your father-in-law; you appeared to be much closer. Since when did he start treating you like his own son?
A. Our relationship started a long time ago, I think around 1980. But you know I was made Turaki of Adamawa in 1982, and my marriage to his daughter also took place on the same day.
Q. Adamawa state has a lot of educated people; but God has elevated you from that state, how did you survive the struggles in the state?
A. Honestly, these struggles are not good; because many felt why should it be me, who is far younger than them that will overtake them and be elevated. You know relationships among the Fulani is difficult. Honestly, they struggle against almost every prominent person in the state. As for me I never harbour any ill feeling towards anyone; I believe that is why God protected me and gave me victory; that is why up to now, no one has succeeded against me.
Q. You are indeed successful in politics and commerce; how did you venture into business?
A. When I joined the Customs Service, I spent most of my time in the South, and if you look critically, you will realise that Customs work is just like business. The European that thought us the job did not teach us how to arrest people; they told us that the duty of the Customs is promote economic development of the country. So if one is found to illegally import materials into the country; you are to be fined either once or twice or even three times, but not to confiscate the goods.
That was why I was getting a lot of revenue for the government wherever I worked. I never regard Customs work as that of confiscating people’s goods or mistreating them. You know whoever pays a heavy fine would not want to import goods illegally again. That was actually how I cut my teeth in business.
Q. you have set up many companies. Which of them do you like the most and is also benefitting you most?
A There is a company called Intels; which we set up with a European partner of mine when we realised that oil and gas business is the main economic activity in Nigeria for a long time. We actually started the company from a container, but it is over 25 years old now. We just celebrated our Silver jubilee anniversary. It has expanded very well. We now have branches in Angola and Mozambique, and we will soon get into South Africa. We are also going to build the biggest port in Nigeria, Badagry, Lagos state, very soon.
Q. You are the first northerner to set up a university, can you briefly tell us some of the challenges you are facing?
A. Well as you know, education is the most important thing in the life of any individual. I attended the meeting of former students of Unity Colleges two days ago, and I told them education is the most important sector in our life today. Whoever thinks that he has arrived simply because he has oil or gold and other mineral resources, should realize those resources will finish one day. In fact, even farming, if we are not careful, in twenty or thirty years, one can look for a land to farm and would not get. Nothing will get us out of poverty and the rest other than education.
I even gave example of many countries that have no farmlands, no oil, and no any form of natural resources, yet they are ahead in terms of development. Look at Japan, look at Singapore; they just concentrated on education. Imagine if my father had succeeded in stopping me from going to school, I would still have been engaged in cattle rearing or still at the village; but look at what education has done for me.
Q. Like how many people are working in your companies?
A. Actually they are many, because even between Port Harcourt, Warri and Lagos, we have over fifty thousand employees. Not to talk of those in Faro, University and Gotel Communications. In fact we are the only producers of recharge cards in the north. Very soon, we are going to commission a company that will produce animal feeds, the first in the north. We will build three in different parts of the north.
Q. Considering the number of companies you own, how comes your name was never mention in the list of richest Africans?
A. It is because I am not among the richest people in Africa and my companies are not quoted on the stock exchange, like the way Aliko did. That is why not many people know what I have.
Q. Can you tell us the estimate of how much you spend to run the University each month?
A. I have already mentioned it; I said around four hundred million each month
Q. Is it profitable?
A. It is not, may be after until after ten or fifteen years, then one can sit down and cross check. Yet, people are still criticizing us saying the tuition fee is high. But if you look at the students there and the vehicles their parents bought for them; you realise that it is ten times higher than the tuition fee.
Q. Why do you allow them to buy the cars for them?
A. What can we do to them? It’s a university, most of them are grown ups; between 18 to 20 years. His father bought a car for him and we say he cannot drive? You know it is an American School, and they have their own ways of doing things.
Q. You have earlier explained that you got into politics not necessarily to get into positions of authority, and you said late Shehu Yar’adua drafted you into politics, or did you already have plans to be a politician?
A. I think both because, when I was at ABU, I was into student politics. I stood for election and even won. I started work and he saw how I was relating with the people and the rest; that was why he called me one day and said ‘I see that you relate well with people, can we do politics together’?
Q. What did you run for at ABU?
A. Deputy Secretary General. Late Dahiru Mohammed Deba, the former governor of Bauchi state was the secretary general, and I was his vice.
Q. We would like to know how former President Obasanjo asked you to be his running mate, seeing that there were many prominent persons angling for the slot.
A. After the primary in Jos, and I was preparing to go back to Adamawa and run for governor, I was told that he wanted to see me in Abuja. So instead of going back to Yola, I went back to Abuja, and on reaching Abuja, he told me he wanted me to be his running mate, and asked if I was willing to? I thought over it and said ‘I am willing’. He then said we should go back to Jos, and inform Solomon Lar. But I said we should go with some other persons, otherwise Solomon Lar would think that I asked to be nominated. At the time, he wanted late Abubakar Rimi to be the running mate. At the same time, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, Ango Abdullahi and Bamanga Tukur and Professor Jibril Aminu, all wanted to be the running mate. Obasanjo then asked some people to follow me to Jos to inform Solomon Lar, and that was what we did.
Q. You said, you thought a little over it, why did you chose to be VP instead of governor?
A. I was convinced because he showed me that he was not a politician and I was a politician and he needed my help. That was what convinced me. Even now people keep telling me you have done this and that, what did you regret being unable to do, and my response is always that I regret not being the governor of Adamawa state.
Q. Have you ever regretted being Vice President?Atiku Abubakar
A. No. I never regretted being vice president
Q. In other climes, one can become a Vice president and still go back and be a governor. What were those things you had wanted to achieve in Adamawa that has not been achieved up to now?
A. Honestly, if I had served as a governor in Adamawa, I would have used it as a model for development. Many states would have come to us and learn how to achieve what we have done. Even as a private citizen my investments in the state is drawing people from South Africa, Cameroun and Rwanda, their students are in Adamawa.
Q. But it can be argued that you were like a governor since Boni was the governor?
A. You know the Fulani tradition when it comes to governance is such that when you get your son into position of authority, you are not expected to interfere in his affairs. If he looked for you, you can come, but if he doesn’t; you just have to keep your distance. Boni has never aksed me to nominate even a Commissioner; He is alive; and I have never opened my mouth to ask him to give me a commissioner slot.  In fact there was a time my party wrote a letter to him and copied me, in which they were requesting for a slot for a sole administrator for my local government.  I called him and told him that my party had written to him and copied me requesting for a nomination for my local government; and he reacted angrily asking what my business was with local government that I would even talk to him. I begged for his forgiveness. So in terms of governance, one cannot be confident of getting his way simply because he had helped a person to office.
Q. And your younger brother became the President, that’s Umaru Yar’adua, was it also like that with him?
A. It was like that. After he was confirmed as the presidential candidate, he came to my house and saw me. I was the vice president, and he told me that now that I have been nominated, I need your help sir. I told him that we came from the same house, but in terms of running for office of the president, we can all run, whoever is successful among us, glory be to Allah. But I told him to know that if not because I fought Obasanjo’s third term ambition, he (Umaru) would not have been a presidential candidate. He acknowledged that, and I said best of luck to us all.
Q. But did he seek for your advice when he became the president?
A. God bless his soul, but when he became the president, I even tried to rejoin the PDP, but I was denied on the assumption that I would clash with him. He was advised to only allow me return if he wins reelection.
Q. You spoke about your disagreement with former President Obasanjo, but at the end of the day, you agreed to support his second term bid, and there were reports he knelt down and begged you. Did he really bend down to beg you or just spoke the words?
A, Honestly, he did not kneel down for me. But he did come to my house and I refused to see him. And he knocked my door continuously and asked me in the name of God to come out, so I came out, and we went downstairs, and he asked me to join him in his car and I said, no, because of security reasons, but he insisted. So when we entered his car, I never knew that he had gone round states pavilions and asking for the support of governors and delegates and they refused to listen to him because they have not seen us together. So that was why he came and picked me up so that we would go round together. There is something that many people did not know before, which I will tell you now.
We sat with party elders and discussed the issue of Presidency and there was debate as to whether the South will have 8 or 4 years? If the South had 8 years, so the north too should have 8 years subsequently. After lots of debates, it was finally agreed that the South should have 8 years. And when power returns to the north, they should also have it for 8 years. However, governors objected to this arrangement. I was then in a dilemma; is the governors’ objection genuine or just a political gimmick. What if I followed them to run against the president and they later on turn their back on me and align with the president? At the end of the day, one would neither be a vice president or a president because politics is a slippery game.
Q. During your second term in office, a top government official at the presidency reportedly ‘lock you and president Obasanjo’ in a room and asked you to settle your differences before you come out? Is it true? What did you discuss in the room?
A. At first we started arguing, and then he opened his drawer and brought out a copy of the Quran and asked me to swear that I will not be disloyal to him. There was nothing I did not tell him in that room. The first thing I told him was that I swore with the Quran to defend the Constitution of Nigeria. Why are you now giving me the Quran to swear for you again?  What if I swear for you and you went against the constitution?
Secondly, I looked at him and told him that if I don’t like you or don’t support you, would I have called 19 northern governors to meet for three days in my House in Kaduna only for us to turn our back on you?
Thirdly, I asked him, what are you even doing with the Quran? Are you a Muslim that you would even administer an oath on me with the Quran? I was angry, and I really blasted him. He asked me to forgive him and he returned the Quran back to the drawer, and we came out.  In fact we had the same kind of altercation when he was gunning for third term, he informed me that “ I left power twenty years ago, I left Mubarak in office, I left Mugabe in office, I left Eyadema in office, I left Umar Bongo, and even Paul Biya and I came back and they are still in power; and I just did 8 years and you are asking me to go; why?” And I responded to him by telling him that Nigeria is not Libya, not Egypt, not Cameroun, and not Togo; I said you must leave; even if it means both of us lose out, but you cannot stay.
Q. You were the most powerful Vice president compared to others who held the office in the past, what was responsible for that?
A. He allowed me, and he understood some things because he was not a politician, and he needed the support of politicians.
Q. Are you relating seriously with General Buhari, do you call him on phone?
A. We speak a lot, and whenever the need arises for me to go and see him, I do go and see him. I do go to pay condolences and the like.
Q. And politically?
A. If you have not forgotten, during the 2011 election, after they said me and General Babangida have lost out, myself, Mallam Adamu Ciroma and General Aliyu Gusau, under the leadership of General Babangida, held a special meeting in which we invited General Buhari, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau and Nuhu Ribadu and advised them to form an alliance so that we would help them win election, but they failed to form the alliance, and after they failed, I sent my contribution to General Buhari. So I don’t have any problem with General Buhari at all.
Q. Something happened recently, which confused a lot of people, in which you led a withdrawal of a number of governors from the venue of the PDP convention, which was live on TV. Was it pre planned? Or it was just arranged at the convention venue?
A. We have been planning for some time because we have spent almost four months planning how to split the PDP.
Q. Who is the arrowhead?
A. At first I don’t know the arrowhead, but they eventually came and met me and I joined them because their reasons are the same with the ones I have been fighting against within the party; lack of fairness, honesty and tyranny. If I can fight the military to restore democracy, why can’t I fight fellow politicians?
Q. But the president did not come out to say he will run.
A. He did since he said he has the right to run. What else is remaining?
Q. On the other hand, Buhari also has supporters just like you do; and he has not come out to say whether he is running or not. Are you planning to run in 2015?
A. Why are you in hurry, don’t worry, now is not yet the time for you to know.
Q. What measures are you planning next, since the courts have declared your faction illegal?
A. We have appealed; and we are planning seriously, you will see what will happen
Q. Is the PDM part of your plans or not
A. I don’t know what the plans of the PDM are because I am not a member.

Thursday 1 August 2013

Snowden granted temporary asylum in Russia


American whistleblower Edward Snowden
 American whistleblower Edward Snowden
 
 
American whistleblower Edward Snowden has been granted temporary asylum in Russia, according to his lawyer.


The former National Security Agency’s contractor, who leaked US surveillance programs in June, was allowed Thursday to leave a Moscow airport, where he has been holed up for over a month, Snowden’s Russian lawyer said.

"Snowden has left Sheremetyevo airport. He has just been given a certificate that he has been awarded temporary asylum in Russia for one year," Anatoly Kucherena told AFP.

Snowden’s present location has not been made public nor will it be disclosed, according to Kucherena.

Snowden, 30, has been charged in the US with espionage and theft of government property.

He revealed that the NSA collects the telephone records of Americans from US telecommunications companies and the online communications of foreign targets from Internet companies.

One day before Snowden was granted asylum, his father thanked Russian President Vladimir Putin and his nation for protecting his son.

Lon Snowden told Moscow-based Rossiya 24 TV on Wednesday that his son will not get a fair trial if he returns to the United States.

In another interview he had with The Washington Post earlier this week, Mr. Snowden expressed support for his son.

“As a father, it pains me what he did,” he told the Post. “But as an American citizen, I am absolutely thankful for what he did.”

He also said he prefers that Edward stay in Russia.

Edward Snowden first revealed his identity in June as the principal source behind articles in the Washington Post and British newspaper the Guardian about the NSA’s spying programs on American citizens and other nationals.

APC: The Cradle Memos ~ Pius Adesanmi

Buddy, you were born today a product of the protracted pregnancy of multiple mothers. Happy birthday. I do not come to rob or rock the cradle. I have merely come to greet you, the newborn, bearing not gifts of myrrh, frankincense, and gold but loads of uncomfortable questions, queries, and warnings. Since you are only a few hours old, the politically correct thing to do is to wait at least for your eighth-day outing ceremony before piling on you but you have been born into extraordinary circumstances which require extraordinary measures to save you from the mounds of self-inflicted injuries you shaped from the yolk. It is true that while still a foetus in the collective wombs of your mothers (CPC, ACN, and fragments of APGA), you showed persistent signs of not really getting what the philosophy of opposition is all about – while conveniently using the evil desire of the PDP and INEC to abort the pregnancy as an excuse for your own incipient obtuseness.

Therefore, this memo welcomes you to the cradle with loads of good intentions. If, however, you insist on seeing it as the handiwork of an enemy, you may take consolation in the fact that a newborn begins the business of acquiring enemies in this world the moment it is able to crawl and upturn cups and plates, wasting water and food. If you elect to ignore this memo or treat it as the work of a hostile intellectual, your paternal uncles, Lai Mohammed and Rotimi Fashakin, are welcome to rock you to sleep with this Ebenezer Obey lullaby: “ota omode, bere lati bi irakoro, ka dani l’onje nu…” If they are wise, however, they will keep you awake and alert to the following four memo items rather than claim that you have fallen into the malevolent hands of the world:

1.Identity

Your identity problem started right from your days as a foetus. You just assumed that by adopting “Progressives” as your middle name and tucking it seamlessly between “All” and “Congress”, all other things shall be added, most especially legitimacy in the eyes of a Nigerian people desperate to be rid of nearly two decades of plunder and rape by the useless and visionless PDP. You assumed that battered and betrayed Nigerians would confer automatic oppositional legitimacy on just about anybody or any entity able to scream the loudest about the irredeemable incompetence of Goodluck Jonathan and the overbearing and unending irrationalities of his wife, Jesus Christ (formerly known as Lazarus, all documents remain valid).

So certain were you about your pre-determined and unearned legitimacy as the oppositional alternative to the unbearable rot that are Goodluck Jonathan and his godforsaken PDP that you assumed you had the luxury of throwing away the core meaning of the term, progressive, in the context of democratic discourses and political philosophy. As conception took place and you grew weekly as a foetus, “progressive” in APC-speak became an open sesame for every manner of character, much like the maggot-ridden umbrella of the ruling party. The chaotic and open sesame approach to your emergence ensured that rather than acquire the characteristics associated with progressive and oppositional politics, you became very vulnerable to taking on the complexion of a confederacy of political losers united only by gradations of loss. Loss of an election, loss of a political appointment, loss of membership of the eating club at the centre, loss of political relevance, loss of critical access to the corridors of power became the only identifiable trait of a foundational strange bedfellowship.

However, there are losses and there are losses. The loss of the Nigerian people, for instance, is not personal in the political scheme of things. What we collectively lost to the PDP’s reign of locusts in the last two decades are the vision, dreams, possibilities, and potentials of Nigeria. This is a deep collective loss as opposed to the personal losses of the arrowheads of the APC who are busy trying to equate those personal losses with the fundamental losses of the Nigerian people. Our loss as a people affects our psyche, your loss as a member of the political elite affects your pocket and your belly. It is not the same loss. Therefore, you have no right to expect the people to automatically equate your personal loss with their collective loss just because you are making noise and abusing those responsible for your loss in the circles of political prebends.

You have to work to convince the people that you have purged yourself of the consequences and hangover of your personal loss and you now understand the ramifications of our collective loss. You need to work very hard at showing us just where, when, and how you differ fundamentally from the PDP. I am not talking about issuing platitudinal statements to abuse Goodluck Jonathan and the PDP all the time. That is not how to establish your own identity as a political party. You have to show us the meat, ideologically speaking. And we are not seeing it yet. I have written elsewhere that what I see, for now, is the APC becoming the botanical name of PDP. Think about it.

2. Ideology

This is related to your problems of identity. Here, again, you assume and carry on like your name should make your ideological creed obvious and easily graspable by the people. You assume that everyone should know why and how you are ideologically different from the PDP. Well, one would have to know who you are ideologically before even moving to the question of whether your ideology is markedly different from the PDP’s. I’m afraid I’m at a loss here. Just who and what are you, ideologically?

Have you asked yourself the following questions: why is it that migrants from other political parties are not afflicted by ideological homesickness once they land in APC? What is it in the APC’s ideological mould that would make a PDP chieftain very comfortable once he crosses over? What is it about the APC that made it possible for even the recidivist pedophile of Zamfara, Senator Sani Ahmed Yerima, to appear to speak for it a few weeks ago? Why is Tom Ikimi, a former Chairman of the National Republican Convention who subsequently helped General Sani Abacha to rape the potential of Nigeria, so ideologically comfortable in the APC? The answer to all these questions are simple: there is no ideological difference in contemporary Nigerian party politics. You just have actors roaming from platform to platform to secure or guarantee better access to the national cake. Nothing would take Andy Ubah, Ayo Fayose, or even Olusegun Obasanjo ideologically out of their comfort zone if they joined APC today.

Think of it this way: can you picture any scenario in which Senator John McCain or Lindsey Graham would end up in the Democratic Party after electoral losses? After some years in hibernation, can you think of any imaginable scenario in which Terry McAuliffe would resurrect as a Republican? Can you imagine a scenario in which Paul Begala and James Carville would become strategists for the Republican Party with a permanent home at Fox News? Can you picture Karl Rove migrating to become a Democratic Strategist in a Hillary Clinton White House in 2016? If you cannot imagine any of these things, it is because we are talking about two ideologically opposed views/visions of society and democracy and not just about political appointments and access to bread and butter.

To crossover to Democratic ideology, Senators McCain and Graham, for instance, would have to subscribe to bigger government funding presence in social programs as opposed to believing that making billionaires and Wall Street comfortable would guarantee prosperity by trickling down to the poor and the vulnerable; they would have to suddenly become sympathetic to the cause and issues of minorities: gays, women, the disabled, etc. They would have to embrace an entirely different vision and approach to education, jobs, guns, race, abortion, foreign policy, the military, civil rights, etc. In short, they would have to be tigers learning the rudiments of a vegetarian diet. Applying this scenario to Nigeria, exactly what did Tom Ikimi have to change to blend in so well in the APC? Did he just carry his NPN-derived, Abacha-inflected NRC ideology seamlessly over? What would Atiku Abubakar, Ibrahim Babangida have to change today if they boarded the APC train? The answer is nothing. They would carry their ideology to the same dining table with Kayode Fayemi and Raji Fashola. This scenario is possible because no Nigerian party is presently about any core and fundamental ideology.

Make no mistake about it, there was a time when party politics in Nigeria was driven by ideology. Umaru Dikko or Adisa Akinloye would never have been able to find a comfortable ideological bed in UPN or PRP. Today, they would be able to go back and forth between PDP and APC without any ideological hiccups. Since you legally cannot deny membership of your party to any Nigerian, ideology is what makes it impossible for those who do not share your philosophical approach to and vision of society to join you. You have to start working on a coherent ideology that will not just distinguish you from the rest, especially the PDP, but will also make it difficult for anybody from a different ideological persuasion to feel at home in your domain. It is not enough to welcome and baptize them progressives like Ajimobi recently did in Ibadan while embracing PDP decampees.

3.Entitlement

Nigerians do not owe you the debt of automatic acceptance. They do not owe you conferment of popular legitimacy just because you are claiming to be the embodiment of their collective rejection of the PDP. These are things you have to work very hard for and earn. Therefore, you will have to do something urgent and drastic about your sense of entitlement to immediate validity. So long as you believe that rejection of Goodluck Jonathan and his PDP translates to automatic acceptance of what you say you are offering but have not really explained to us, you will continue to live in a fool’s paradise. My friend, Chido Onumah, was recently a victim of the bullies who see themselves as enforcers of your automatic validity. They abused the heck out of him for requiring that you answer tough questions. And the poor man kept explaining and explaining, forgetting that all the explanations should be coming from his entitled traducers. They have to explain why they believe that the people’s disgruntlement with PDP should translate automatically to an endorsement of a new platform that is asking to be placed above legitimate critical scrutiny from inception. You must be reminded in no uncertain terms, APC, that we are not fighting for a Nigeria in which the loudest abusers of the incumbent acquire automatic validity as the opposition and proceed to entertain illusions of immunity from criticism. No, the Nigeria we envision will necessitate your having to work very hard to sell your vision to the people and be humble if they accept it. We dream of a Nigeria in which rejection of the status quo would not invalidate the necessity of probing and critiquing emerging alternatives. You must be reminded that Nigeria, for some us, is much more than a game of musical chairs between two sets of ego-driven elite, some dancing around the chairs, waiting to expel those sitting and denying them a seat.

4.Elitism

APC, once you stop playing musical chairs with the PDP, you’ll be able to look in the mirror and see how much of the PDP’s Siamese twin you currently are in terms of strategies and modes of relating to the people of Nigeria. The PDP has always been a party of yeye chieftains, useless elders, and corrupt stakeholders. Nothing about that party inheres in the people. She has never even needed the people to win elections. She “captures” power and political offices in a process driven by corruption and rigging. Nothing is explained to the people. The singular function of the people is to cheer as spectators as the country is plundered. They are the ones to whom ankara and rice are distributed at victory rallies. When the people wear the ankara to those political rallies, their bodies collectively become artistic display canvasses of the corruption of their conquerors.

When I first heard the idea of APC, I said to myself that the wise thing to do would be to eloquently map a different course from the PDP’s sickening elitism. Do not photocopy the scenario of yeye chieftains, useless party elders, and corrupt stakeholders meeting in choice hotels in Lagos, Abuja, Kaduna, Abeokuta, Owerri, and Enugu to carve out portfolios, offices, and personal fiefs even before going to the people to explain yourselves. Start with townhall meetings all over the country. Take a leaf from the grassroots canvassing of the Obama campaign and what folks are doing quietly at readyforhillary.com. Send foot soldiers to villages all over Nigeria. Let Kabiyesis, Obis, and Emirs, call town centre meetings for you.

You already have a groundswell of national disgruntlement with the PDP to use as a door to mass appeal once you assure the people that this thing is with them and of them. Explain this thing to the people. “We are leaders of CPC, ACN, and APGA o. We are planning to come together under a new political party to confront PDP ni o. We need your input and support ni o.” Go to the trade unions and the labour unions. Go to the market women of Nigeria. Storm University campuses all over Nigeria and let your spokespersons submit themselves to grilling at campus open fora. Let this thing be of the people and from the people as opposed to the impervious elitism of the PDP. This cross-country canvassing would not in any way have been incompatible with the regular scenario of committee formations and party leaders holding endless meetings to strategize and work out finer details of the merger. Both processes would have been complementary.

Rather than do this, we saw a photocopy of haughty PDP elitism. Chief Tom Ikimi would wake up and address a press conference, talking about the formation of elitist committees of elders and distinguished Nigerians, with the ever present hint of the people being told to await further directives. Even the diction wasn’t really different from the PDP’s: sharing formula and all that jazz. If you are going to copy the elitist strategies of the PDP, please APC, I beg you in the name of God, acknowledge your sources and avoid plagiarism.

Start with these four memorandum points and let’s see how it rolls. While you are it, remember that Nigerians don’t owe you anything. You owe them everything. If you do not understand this simple, if you do not base your strategies on working like you owe them everything, Nigerians will give you a look in, see an arrogant replica of the PDP, and sing: “ma gbe keke e lo”. I trust that your paternal uncles, Lai Mohammed and Rotimi Fashakin, will explain this to you. Once again, happy birthday to you.

APC REGISTRATION: WHY WE SHOULDN’T CELEBRATE BY ‘RINSOLA ABIOLA

apc logo
We waited…..we hoped and prayed, and mobilized and strategized, and held countless meetings, chats, put everything else on hold and dared to not just dream, but work towards a better Nigeria. We networked, we reached out to our peers and colleagues, to our leaders, elders,  role-models and mentors, because we dared to not just yearn for representation, but to represent what we are yearning for. Whatever hurdle the opposition put in our path, we preempted it…and we overcame. Today, the All Progressives Congress is no longer just a dream – the APC is a registered party. Many broke into song, some have rolled out the drums, but I say…..congratulations may be in order, but let’s not jubilate just yet. This is the first step out of many.

Reclaiming our country will not be easy; the tedious registration process and the many devious schemes that were put into play are glaring proof of that. If such a level of chicanery could be displayed in order to prevent the registration of a party, is there anything at all that won’t be done to ensure that their unholy grip on power does not slip? I say this isn’t the time to relax; nay, we must intensify our efforts and ensure that we sustain (and if possible, increase) the tempo. The ultimate aim still remains to rescue our country from the verge of total destruction and it would take a lot of effort to achieve that. Those who have chosen to lay claim to our commonwealth, to sacrifice our collective future at the altar of personal gain cannot be expected to hand over power so willingly. We must not relent, we must not falter.

The APC has been registered, but let us not dance…..yet. Those of us who have been here since this progressive idea was conceived are glad, and now we ask that those who wish to be part of us also come on board. There’s a national sense of collective ownership about this party and not even the biggest umbrella in the world can conceal that.

If you are reading this, know that no matter how much you complain, you will achieve little or nothing unless you also get involved. What the APC provides is a viable alternative to the coalition of vampires that has besieged this country for the past 14 years; I’m not saying that every member of the APC is a saint, what I AM saying however, is, compare governance in our states to those in PDP states and you’ll get my point. Furthermore, compare specific states such as Edo, Ogun and Osun on the basis of pre-APC and APC and you’ll better understand my point.

Nigerians have been accustomed to bad governance for so long that general skepticism is totally understandable; however, let this opportunity to be part of something truly good and worthwhile not pass you by. Do not allow persistent pessimism rob you of the opportunity of being a part of something great. As our motto at the Youth Forum clearly states: take part in order to take charge!

Contrary to what leaders of the opposition say and believe, in the APC, politics is not a do or die affair; if you join us and find something unacceptable, you’re free to leave, or stay and change it. From the experience that I personally have had, leaving might not even occur to you because our leaders are practically just a phone call away. Your voice will be heard and your opinion will count. The warmth of Chief Audu Ogbeh, General Buba Marwa, General Muhammadu Buhari, the amazing humour and intellectual prowess of Mallam Nasir ElRufai (I doff my hat, sir), the astounding intelligence of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Uncle Fola Adeola’s unwavering support, and the amazing hospitality of Jagaban himself left me (and every other person) speechless.…..these are leaders, worthy role-models who interact with the young ones because they value us.  I don’t know how they do it beneath the umbrella, but APC is where I call home because there’s no shoddy business and nothing needs to be concealed. The APC is not a cult; it’s a coalition of Progressives.

Our dream is not just to win elections, but to establish democracy as an institution and not just an event that occurs every four years. Our leaders have been tested and trusted, with respect to corruption, good governance and the dividends of democracy, our governors are efficient, compassionate and ethical, and our legislators are active. We can get better, but don’t just stand on the sidelines and criticize, be part of us and make your voice heard from within.
In his response to the news of our registration, the interim chairman of the youth forum, Barr. Ismail Ahmed said“A party is born that will serve even the unborn and we have work to do to make sure of that, and so we have to build the party to rebuild this country; we have to win elections to serve the electorate; we have to save a country in order to secure a happy destiny, and we need everyone on board to do that”
If your dream is to have a country that works, where your needs are placed before your leaders’ wants, where social welfare is placed on the front burner and where you no longer have to wish that your leaders would listen because they know that you matter and that your opinion counts, then the APC is where you belong. If your dream is to have a country where peace and justice truly reign, then come on board and join us. 
I am ‘Rinsola Abiola, media consultant and interim PRO – along with Abubakar Sidiq Usman, @abusidiqu – of the ALL PROGRESSIVES YOUTH FORUM (APYF), a coalition of youths within the APC, and we can’t wait to have you here. Mail us with your profile, state of residence and contact details at youths4apc@gmail.com.
@Rinsola_Abiola

Wednesday 10 July 2013

Exclusive: US bankrolled anti-Morsi activists


Egyptian protesters tear down the US flag during a demonstration at the US Embassy in September 2012 [EPA]

Documents reveal US money trail to Egyptian groups that pressed for president's removal.

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Berkeley, United States - President Barack Obama recently stated the United States was not taking sides as Egypt's crisis came to a head with the military overthrow of the democratically elected president.
But a review of dozens of US federal government documents shows Washington has quietly funded senior Egyptian opposition figures who called for toppling of the country's now-deposed president Mohamed Morsi.
Documents obtained by the Investigative Reporting Program at UC Berkeley show the US channeled funding through a State Department programme to promote democracy in the Middle East region. This programme vigorously supported activists and politicians who have fomented unrest in Egypt, after autocratic president Hosni Mubarak was ousted in a popular uprising in February 2011. 
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The State Department's programme, dubbed by US officials as a "democracy assistance" initiative, is part of a wider Obama administration effort to try to stop the retreat of pro-Washington secularists, and to win back influence in Arab Spring countries that saw the rise of Islamists, who largely oppose US interests in the Middle East.

Activists bankrolled by the programme include an exiled Egyptian police officer who plotted the violent overthrow of the Morsi government, an anti-Islamist politician who advocated closing mosques and dragging preachers out by force, as well as a coterie of opposition politicians who pushed for the ouster of the country's first democratically elected leader, government documents show.
Information obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, interviews, and public records reveal Washington's "democracy assistance" may have violated Egyptian law, which prohibits foreign political funding.
It may also have broken US government regulations that ban the use of taxpayers' money to fund foreign politicians, or finance subversive activities that target democratically elected governments. 

'Bureau for Democracy'

Washington's democracy assistance programme for the Middle East is filtered through a pyramid of agencies within the State Department. Hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars is channeled through the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL), The Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), USAID, as well as the Washington-based, quasi-governmental organisation the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). 

In turn, those groups re-route money to other organisations such as the International Republican Institute, the National Democratic Institute (NDI), and Freedom House, among others. Federal documents show these groups have sent funds to certain organisations in Egypt, mostly run by senior members of anti-Morsi political parties who double as NGO activists.

The Middle East Partnership Initiative - launched by the George W Bush administration in 2002 in a bid to influence politics in the Middle East in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks - has spent close to $900m on democracy projects across the region, a federal grants database shows.
USAID manages about $1.4bn annually in the Middle East, with nearly $390m designated for democracy promotion, according to the Washington-based Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED). 

The US government doesn't issue figures on democracy spending per country, but Stephen McInerney, POMED's executive director, estimated that Washington spent some $65m in 2011 and $25m in 2012. He said he expects a similar amount paid out this year.

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A main conduit for channeling the State Department's democracy funds to Egypt has been the National Endowment for Democracy. Federal documents show NED, which in 2011 was authorised an annual budget of $118m by Congress, funneled at least $120,000 over several years to an exiled Egyptian police officer who has for years incited violence in his native country.
This appears to be in direct contradiction to its Congressional mandate, which clearly states NED is to engage only in "peaceful" political change overseas.

Exiled policeman

Colonel Omar Afifi Soliman - who served in Egypt's elite investigative police unit, notorious for human rights abuses - began receiving NED funds in 2008 for at least four years.
During that time he and his followers targeted Mubarak's government, and Soliman later followed the same tactics against the military rulers who briefly replaced him. Most recently Soliman set his sights on Morsi's government

Soliman, who has refugee status in the US, was sentenced in absentia last year for five years imprisonment by a Cairo court for his role in inciting violence in 2011 against the embassies of Israel and Saudi Arabia, two US allies.

He also used social media to encourage violent attacks against Egyptian officials, according to court documents and a review of his social media posts.

US Internal Revenue Service documents reveal that NED paid tens of thousands of dollars to Soliman through an organisation he created called Hukuk Al-Nas (People's Rights), based in Falls Church, Virginia. Federal forms show he is the only employee.
After he was awarded a 2008 human rights fellowship at NED and moved to the US, Soliman received a second $50,000 NED grant in 2009 for Hukuk Al-Nas. In 2010, he received $60,000 and another $10,000 in 2011.  

In an interview with the Investigative Reporting Program at UC Berkeley, Soliman reluctantly admitted he received US government funding from the National Endowment for Democracy, but complained it wasn't enough. "It is like $2000 or $2,500 a month," he said. "Do you think this is too much? Obama wants to give us peanuts. We will not accept that."
Join the discussion. #EgyptSpeaks
NED has removed public access to its Egyptian grant recipients in 2011 and 2012 from its website. NED officials didn't respond to repeated interview requests. 

'Pro bono advice'
NED's website says Soliman spreads only nonviolent literature, and his group was set up to provide "immediate, pro bono legal advice through a telephone hotline, instant messaging, and other social networking tools".
However, in Egyptian media interviews, social media posts and YouTube videos, Soliman encouraged the violent overthrow of Egypt's government, then led by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party.
"Incapacitate them by smashing their knee bones first," he instructed followers on Facebook in late June, as Morsi's opponents prepared massive street rallies against the government. Egypt's US-funded and trainedmilitary later used those demonstrations to justify its coup on July 3. 
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"Make a road bump with a broken palm tree to stop the buses going into Cairo, and drench the road around it with gas and diesel. When the bus slows down for the bump, set it all ablaze so it will burn down with all the passengers inside … God bless," Soliman's post read. 
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In late May he instructed, "Behead those who control power, water and gas utilities."
Soliman removed several older social media posts after authorities in Egypt took notice of his subversive instructions, court documents show.

Egyptian women supporters of ousted president Morsi [EPA]
More recent Facebook instructions to his 83,000 followers range from guidelines on spraying roads with a mix of auto oil and gas - "20 liters of oil to 4 liters of gas"- to how to thwart cars giving chase. 
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On a YouTube video, Soliman took credit for a failed attempt in December to storm the Egyptian presidential palace with handguns and Molotov cocktails to oust Morsi.
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"We know he gets support from some groups in the US, but we do not know he is getting support from the US government. This would be news to us," said an Egyptian embassy official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media.
Funding other Morsi opponents*
Other beneficiaries of US government funding are also opponents of the now-deposed president, some who had called for Morsi's removal by force.

The Salvation Front main opposition bloc, of which some members received US funding, has backed street protest campaigns that turned violent against the elected government, in contradiction of many of the State Department's own guidelines.
A longtime grantee of the National Endowment for Democracy and other US democracy groups is a 34-year old Egyptian woman, Esraa Abdel-Fatah, who sprang to notoriety during the country's pitched battle over the new constitution in December 2012.
She exhorted activists to lay siege to mosques and drag from pulpits all Muslim preachers and religious figures who supported the country's the proposed constitution, just before it went to a public referendum. 

The act of besieging mosques has continued ever since, and several people have died in clashes defending them.
Federal records show Abdel-Fatah's NGO, the Egyptian Democratic Academy, received support from NED, MEPI and NDI, among other State Department-funded groups "assisting democracy". Records show NED gave her organisation a one-year $75,000 grant in 2011.

Abdel-Fatah is politically active, crisscrossing Egypt to rally support for her Al-Dostor Party, which is led by former UN nuclear chief Mohamed El-Baradei, the most prominent figure in the Salvation Front. She lent full support to the military takeover, and urged the West not call it a "coup".
"June 30 will be the last day of Morsi's term," she told the press a few weeks before the coup took place. 
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US taxpayer money has also been sent to groups set up by some of Egypt's richest people, raising questions about waste in the democracy programme.
Michael Meunier is a frequent guest on TV channels that opposed Morsi. Head of the Al-Haya Party, Meunier - a dual US-Egyptian citizen - has quietly collected US funding through his NGO, Hand In Hand for Egypt Association. 

Meunier's organisation was founded by some of the most vehement opposition figures, including Egypt's richest man and well-known Coptic Christian billionaire Naguib Sawiris, Tarek Heggy, an oil industry executive, Salah Diab, Halliburton's partner in Egypt, and Usama Ghazali Harb, a politician with roots in the Mubarak regime and a frequent US embassy contact.
Meunier has denied receiving US assistance, but government documents show USAID in 2011 granted his Cairo-based organisation $873,355. Since 2009, it has taken in $1.3 million from the US agency. 

Meunier helped rally the country's five million Christian Orthodox Coptic minority, who oppose Morsi's Islamist agenda, to take to the streets against the president on June 30.
Reform and Development Party member Mohammed Essmat al-Sadat received US financial support through his Sadat Association for Social Development, a grantee of The Middle East Partnership Initiative. 

The federal grants records and database show in 2011 Sadat collected $84,445 from MEPI "to work with youth in the post-revolutionary Egypt".

Sadat was a member of the coordination committee, the main organising body for the June 30 anti-Morsi protest. Since 2008, he has collected $265,176 in US funding. Sadat announced he will be running for office again in upcoming parliamentary elections.
After soldiers and police killed more than 50 Morsi supporters on Monday, Sadat defended the use of force and blamed the Muslim Brotherhood, saying it used women and children as shields.

Some US-backed politicians have said Washington tacitly encouraged them to incite protests.
"We were told by the Americans that if we see big street protests that sustain themselves for a week, they will reconsider all current US policies towards the Muslim Brotherhood regime," said Saaddin Ibrahim, an Egyptian-American politician opposed Morsi.

Ibrahim's Ibn Khaldoun Center in Cairo receives US funding, one of the largest recipients of democracy promotion money in fact.
His comments followed statements by other Egyptian opposition politicians claiming they had been prodded by US officials to whip up public sentiment against Morsi before Washington could publicly weigh in.

Democracy programme defence

The practice of funding politicians and anti-government activists through NGOs was vehemently defended by the State Department and by a group of Washington-based Middle East experts close to the programme.

Symbolic coffins for the more than 50 people killed Monday [EPA]
"The line between politics and activism is very blurred in this country," said David Linfield, spokesman for the US Embassy in Cairo.
Others said the United States cannot be held responsible for activities by groups it doesn't control. 

"It's a very hot and dynamic political scene," said Michelle Dunne, an expert at the Atlantic Council think-tank. Her husband, Michael Dunne, was given a five-year jail sentence in absentia by a Cairo court for his role in political funding in Egypt.
"Just because you give someone some money, you cannot take away their freedom or the position they want to take," said Dunne. 

Elliot Abrams, a former official in the administration of George W. Bush and a member of the Working Group on Egypt that includes Dunne, denied in an email message that the US has paid politicians in Egypt, or elsewhere in the Middle East.

"The US does not provide funding for parties or 'local politicians' in Egypt or anywhere else," said Abrams. "That is prohibited by law and the law is scrupulously obeyed by all US agencies, under careful Congressional oversight."
But a State Department official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the issue's sensitivity, said American support for foreign political activists was in line with American principles. 

"The US government provides support to civil society, democracy and human rights activists around the world, in line with our long-held values, such as respecting the fundamental human rights of free speech, peaceful assembly, and human dignity," the official wrote in an email. "US outreach in Egypt is consistent with these principles."
A Cairo court convicted 43 local and foreign NGO workers last month on charges of illegally using foreign funds to stir unrest in Egypt. The US and UN expressed concern over the move. 
Out of line

Some Middle East observers suggested the US' democracy push in Egypt may be more about buying influence than spreading human rights and good governance.

Egyptians celebrate in Tahrir Square after Morsi's removal [AFP]
"Funding of politicians is a problem," said Robert Springborg, who evaluated democracy programmes for the State Department in Egypt, and is now a professor at the National Security Department of the Naval Postgraduate School at Monterey, California.*

"If you run a programme for electoral observation, or for developing media capacity for political parties, I am not against that. But providing lots of money to politicians - I think that raises lots of questions," Springborg said.
Some Egyptians, meanwhile, said the US was out of line by sending cash through its democracy programme in the Middle East to organisations run by political operators. 

"Instead of being sincere about backing democracy and reaching out to the Egyptian people, the US has chosen an unethical path," said Esam Neizamy, an independent researcher into foreign funding in Egypt, and a member of the country's Revolutionary Trustees, a group set up to protect the 2011 revolution.
"The Americans think they can outsmart lots of people in the Middle East. They are being very hostile against the Egyptian people who have nothing but goodwill for them - so far," Neizamy said.
 
Source:
Al Jazeera